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Китайская Экономика

2019-09-21 23:00 来源:西江网

  Китайская Экономика

  六、企业可在劳动行政部门的指导下,建立集体协商制度,按照国家的《集体合同规定》,由工会或职工代表与企业就劳动报酬、工作时间、休息休假、劳动安全卫生、保险福利等事项进行平等协商,签订集体合同。2、考生注册后,发现证件号或者姓名填写错误,如何修改?如报考人员报名后未支付考试费用的,可使用正确的证件号和姓名重新注册报名;已支付费用的,请联系当地人事考试机构。

当21世纪的竞争最终成为人才的竞争,我们需要关注的是:世界级湾区靠什么留住顶尖人才?无论是它们走过的弯路还是付出的努力,都值得粤港澳大湾区借鉴。第九条资格考试合格者,由人事部、建设部、水利部委托省、自治区、直辖市人民政府人事行政部门,颁发人事部统一印制,人事部、建设部和水利部用印的《中华人民共和国注册土木工程师(水利水电工程)资格证书》。

  文号:国人部发〔2005〕58号各省、自治区、直辖市人事厅(局)、建设厅(建委、规委)、水利(水务)厅(局),国务院各部委、各直属机构人事部门,总政干部部、总后基建营房部,新疆生产建设兵团建设局、水利局,中央管理的企业:根据《中华人民共和国建筑法》和《建设工程勘察设计管理条例》有关规定,我们制定了勘察设计行业《注册土木工程师(水利水电工程)制度暂行规定》、《注册土木工程师(水利水电工程)资格考试实施办法》和《注册土木工程师(水利水电工程)资格考核认定办法》,现印发给你们,请遵照执行。为留住人才而改变“人们喜欢居住在这里,但也存在着严峻的忧虑。

    江苏省委常委、宣传部部长、统战部部长王燕文出席会议并讲话管伟法摄  人民网淮安3月23日电(记者吴纪攀)淮安恩来干部学院里的海棠含苞待放,周恩来与中华民族伟大复兴研讨会23日在这里举行。清波连着中南海,血脉情系西花厅。

八、企业应向被裁减人员发放一次性经济补偿,其数额按被裁减人员被裁减前十二个月的月平均工资(被裁减人员的月平均工资低于企业月平均工资的,按企业月平均工资)计算,在本单位工作的年限满一年,发给相当于一个月平均工资的经济补偿。

  七、资格考试一处承办经济专业、职称外语等与评聘专业技术职务相关考试的命题组织,负责有关资格考试考务管理相关工作;承办相关专业技术人员资格考试大纲与考试用书的编写工作;承办有关资格考试专家委员会的具体工作;负责电子化考试相关工作,参与制定电子化考试题库建设标准、考试实施技术和程序标准;承担电子化考试题库建议、考务系统开发与维护、考试大纲拟定及日常管理工作;负责指导、协调、监督地方实施有关专业技术人员资格考试具体工作,加强相关考试考风考纪管理和考试舆情监控,负责查处考度违规违纪行为。

  近期,江苏省人社厅将会同有关部门抓紧制定配套政策,及时研究解决改革中遇到的矛盾和问题,同时引导社会各界和广大专业技术人才积极支持、主动参与,确保职称制度改革平稳推进、顺利实施。昨日,春光明媚,一扫前一天的电闪雷鸣。

  3、对勘察设计各专业和注册建筑师有关科目采用答题卡作答后对合格人员进行复评的科目,只受理进入复评人员的复查申请。

  周恩来侄儿、国防大学原政治部主任周尔均,中央党史和文献研究院第二编研部主任王均伟、淮安市委常委、宣传部部长周毅等参加活动。参加社会养老保险的群众感到,个人按经济能力确定交费数额、集体视经济状况适当补助、国家给予政策扶持的办法很好,老年生活有保障,也比较合算。

  ”已有一百多年历史的纽约地铁几乎没有一天不在维修。

  10月,主持中央政治局会议,敦促加速解放干部工作。

  这是他最后一次出席国庆招待会。2013年开始首次使用此系统进行报名而未进行注册的报考人员也需先行注册。

  

  Китайская Экономика

 
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Китайская Экономика

1930年  3月,离上海去莫斯科。


来源:凤凰国际智库

Cristina Font Haro  The author is a foreign policy analyst of Phoenix Global Affairs Unit

Clashes at a demonstration on 1st May in Paris

The celebration of May 1 in France has been agitated by the presidential elections scheduled for May 7. On one hand, French trade unions celebrated on May 1st divided on how to cope with the rise of Le Pen, since while the "reformists" explicitly called for Macron, the more leftists do not want to be associated with a socio-liberal program that has been criticized. On the other hand, the forces of the order faced groups of hooded people during the marches programmed for the day of the workers.

The General Confederation of Labour and Labour Force, even though expressing their rejection of Le Pen, have refused to solicit support for Macron, along with the lines of the radical left-wing candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon. Their demonstration paraded between the Plaza of the Republic and the Plaza of the Nation in Paris. Mélenchon participated in the march as well. In totally, they gathered several tens of thousands of people across the country, whereas the French Confederation of Workers (CFDT, the country's first trade union) and the National Union of Autonomous Trade Union organized an event in the Plaza of Stalingrad, which was attended by several hundred people.  

Before the parades started in the Plaza of the Republic, activists from the Avaaz organization ( a global civil organization founded in January 2007) covered their faces with masks combining characters from the face of Marine Le Pen and her father, the founder of the National Front, Jean-Marie Le Pen. Their double aim was to show the direct link between both politicians, despite the fact that the extreme right-wing candidate has attempted to distance herself from her father, on the other hand, they seek Macron's vote as well.  Avaaz campaign manager, Aloys Ligault, insisted that "Marine Le Pen shares more than a surname with her father. Marine Le Pen conceals behind her smile the poison of an ideology of hate. For the Le Pen politicians, it is a family business to spread the division among the citizens. Hence, they only way to stop them is to vote on Sunday for Macron".

Moreover, François Baroin, the man who is expected to lead France's Republican Party during the parliamentary elections campaign (June 11th and 18th) said that he was ready to be a prime minister of cohabitation with presidential candidate Emmanuel Macron. Also, Socialist Party member Segolene Royal called on former presidential candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon to ask his voters to support Macron in the May 7 runoff vote.

French society divided by political demands

The events of the past Monday only proved what it is commonly known, the results of the first electoral round on April 23, 2017, increased the instability in the already convulsed society, because they are in the midst of political change. After years of economic decline and shaken by a spate of terrorist attacks at home and elsewhere in Europe, many French voters are disenchanted with traditional political parties, dubious of the country's economic prospects, and uncertain of its role in Europe and the world.

Thereby, this election is important because it means a change in their political pillars, though where does this change come from? The French system was established after the outcome of the Second World War by President Charles de Gaulle. Its national strategy was built on three columns. The first was to develop a strong alliance with Germany, securing peace on the Continent. In fact, due to France and Germany have been two of the main protagonists in opposites blocks of the First and the Second World War in the European scenario, it was the maximum imperative so that the war did not strike Europe again. At that time, Germany was occupied and divided by the winner partners of the war (the United States, the USSR, United Kingdom and France), the United Kingdom was exhausted by its war efforts and the United States were injecting money to Europe through the Marshall Plan seeking its war reconstruction and adhesion to the capitalist bloc.  In this context, the European community was born.

France's second priority was to protect the independence of its foreign policy.  As the political realities of the Cold War congealed, President Charles de Gaulle wanted to secure the most leeway possible for Paris. Following the premise, France sought to forge its own relationship with Russia, build its own nuclear arsenal, and protect its interests in the Arab world and its former colonies.

Finally, France aimed to build a strong republic with a solid central power. For almost a century, fragile coalitions, weak executive power, and short-lived governments characterized the French parliamentary system. In 1958, as decolonization in Africa and Asia strained the French political system, de Gaulle pushed for reform, introducing a semi-presidential system in which strong presidents were elected for seven -year terms (the term was eventually reduced to the actual five years).  The resulting structure featured a two-round voting system whose main goals were to ensure that the president had robust democratic legitimacy and to prevent fringe political parties from attaining power.

Both political structure and main pillars shaped the French political arena till nowadays. However, due to different economic and politic reasons, it seems that it has come to an end. For over the past two decades, the French economy has been weakening. Average gross domestic product growth fell from 2.2 percent for the 1995-2004 period to just 0.7 percent for the 2005-2014 period, and unemployment has been above the EU average most years in the past decade. Even though the French bureaucratic machine still provides a quarter of all jobs, it could not stop the increase of unemployment. Besides that, their employment cost also increased as well as the taxes and public debt levels.

On the international context, France relation with Germany changed its bases too. Nowadays, instead of Paris being worried about the internal German division, France is worried about its own role in the EU and the German counterpart. Even if both countries are the core of the institution, without them it could easily fall into pieces; Germany is above France in political power, as the Eurozone crisis has made clear. On the other hand, their dissatisfaction with the functioning of the institution has let two different visions of how to solve the problem.

The malfunction of the labor market and the anguish of its international role led a growing number of people not to be satisfied with their situation and lose their faith in the republic's leader. In fact, French political cycles are becoming shorter. Socialist President François Mitterrand enjoyed two terms in office from 1981 to 1995, as did his conservative successor, Jacques Chirac, from 1995-2007. By contrast, center-right leader Nicolas Sarkozy served only one term from 2007 to 2012 as well as his counterpart center-left President, François Hollande. On the other hand, citizens both right-wing and left-wing ideologies believe that the globalization is the cause of the French detriment. That is how all these elements of dissatisfaction mixed up with the French electoral system gave, as a result, the appearance of outsiders such as Macron or Le Pen in this presidential election.

As well as the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada or Australia, France is a democracy with majority system, which favors the hegemony of two main parties in parliament and the control of the government by a single party; the Socialist Party and the Republican Party. The defenders of this system state that it helps to the governability of the State to the detriment of pluralism. On the other hand, the retractors emphasize that it is governed according to the will of the majority of the representatives and not of the electors, reason why it makes them the government of a minority. In the last instance, this could cause that the political options do not correspond in its totality with the social demands, which are either neglected or ignored.

Moreover, this majority system induces a strategic vote of the voters as well as it can generate apathy from social strata that do not find a suitable party to offer their support. Indeed, the double-round electoral system can manifest the second or subsequent preferences of voters. While in the first round, they can express freely their first political preference, in the runoff, voters transfer their vote to another party, because in this new context their preferences already changed. Knowing what has happened in the first round and having knowledge of collective behavior, it is probable that in the runoff the voter makes a strategic vote. In case their first option party has not passed to the second round, then most probably their vote will benefit the less bad option. In other words, voters try to have their ideological opponent not elected. That is why, on Monday some of the French labor unions were seeking the vote for Macron after Jean-Luc Melechon did not pass the first round.

After May 7, how could it look like the future of France?

Centrist Emmanuel Macron and populist Marine Le Pen have qualified for the runoff vote on May 7. They defeated the other two possible candidates, the conservative François Fillon and left-wing Jean-Luc Mélenchon in one of the most implausible presidential elections in modern French history. In case they become elected, both Macron and Le Pen already have in mind how the French future would look like. While Le Pen has promised a policy of “intelligent protectionism”, taxing certain foreign imports to shield domestic industries from competition, to close France’s borders, reduce immigration, return to the franc (French currency before the establishment of the common European currency) and hold a referendum on France’s membership in the EU. On the contrary, Macron’s promises move in the opposite direction. He promised to cut public spending by some 60 billion euros and invest around 50 billion euros in policies to modernize the French economy as well as to reform France’s labor legislation and further deregulate certain sectors of the French economy.

Nevertheless, we should not forget that France has a semi-presidential system, that is the executive power is shared by the President and the First Minister, who will be elected by the parliament (National Assembly) on June 11 and 18 of this year. Hence, the President will need the support from the National Assembly to make good on electoral promises, especially for those that seek the end of their membership in the EU. In fact, for holding such a referendum, the French constitution have to be reformed beforehand. Thereby, …

[责任编辑:陈立彬 PN139]

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